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rosyjski > angielski: Translation of Russian financial/economic article from Эксперт (done for MA assessment) General field: Biznes/finanse Detailed field: Dziennikarstwo
Tekst źródłowy - rosyjski Рецессии не ждите
«Центр развития» НИУ «Высшая школа экономики» опубликовал периодический обзор «Комментарии о государстве и бизнесе», согласно которому сводный опережающий индекс (СОИ) не дает сигналов о возможной новой рецессии в экономике России. Наиболее вероятен вариант медленного роста. Свои выводы аналитики обосновывают показателями, динамика которых опережает индекс промышленного производства: это в частности курс рубля, цены на нефть и опросы руководителей предприятий.
В декабре 2017 года СОИ снизился с 4,4 сразу до 2,6 пункта, при этом наибольший позитивный импульс исходил со стороны нефтяных цен. Средняя цена нефти Urals в декабре составила 63 долларов за баррель, что на 22% больше, чем была в декабре прошлого года. Текущие цены приближаются к 70 долларов за баррель. «При таком развитии событий самые жесткие сценарии, скорее всего, минуют экономику России», — говорится в обзоре.
«Никаких сигналов о приближении новой рецессии динамика СОИ не дает. Что, естественно, не означает приближения фазы устойчивого и динамичного роста. Отсекая крайности, можно сказать, что сценарий вялого роста — с краткими колебаниями в ту или другую сторону - пока представляется наиболее вероятным»,— дают свой прогноз эксперты ВШЭ.
Как показывает история расчетов СОИ с 2008 года, он себя зарекомендовал очень хорошо, отмечает глава аналитического департамента Dominion-World Станислав Вернер. По словам эксперта, причина сдержанного оптимизма — низкая база прошлого года. Есть цикл восполнения запасов, есть отложенные ранее инвестиции, которым благоволит ситуация на внешних рынках. В настоящий момент сложилась благоприятная ситуация в мировой экономике (недавно МВФ пересмотрел темпы роста с 3,7% до 3,9%) и на товарных рынках, в том числе по причине ослабления американского доллара.
А в российской экономике, находящейся в транзитном состоянии от модели, основанной на притоке нефтедолларов, в сторону модели, ориентированной на инвестиции, компании фиксируют рост новых заказов, есть ресурсы в виде незавершенных заказов, отложенных ранее инвестиций. Хотя ожидания изменений налоговой системы после президентских выборов выступают их ограничителем. Станислав Вернер упомянул также оценки ЦБ РФ, согласно которым без структурных реформ потенциальные темпы роста в России не превышают по 1,5-2,0%.
Наличие негативных тенденций в промышленном производстве в конце 2017 года отметил старший аналитик ИК «Фридом Финанс» Богдан Зварич. Ожидания компаний относительно спроса на их продукцию и услуги не оправдались, в результате чего они избавляются от накопленных запасов, не увеличивая выпуск. Отсюда и низкий уровень инвестиций в обрабатывающем секторе, который за 9 месяцев снизились на 3,2%, относительно аналогичного периода прошлого года.
При этом, полагает аналитик, потребление также может сократиться, поскольку существенного роста реально располагаемых доходов нет, а рост потребления за счет кредитов частично исчерпал себя: домохозяйства начали менее оптимистично смотреть в будущее. Но есть основания ожидать улучшения ситуации в российской экономике.
Так, по итогам 2018 года рост промпроизводства может составить порядка 2%. Этому будет способствовать стабильная ситуация на рынке энергоносителей, что обеспечит приток средств в страну и поддержку потреблению. Плюс к этому вероятен рост инвестиций, которому будет способствовать снижение стоимости кредитов.
Также, считает Богдан Зварич, продолжат снижаться ставки по депозитам, что создаст дополнительный спрос на облигации российских компаний, а значит, будет снижать стоимость обслуживания ими долга. Дополнительным позитивным стимулом станет сохранение стабильной ситуации на валютном рынке: не стоит ожидать существенного ослабления или роста национальной валюты. Устойчивая ситуация в рубле – хороший стимул для закупки импортного оборудования для модернизации и расширения производства, отмечает он.
Tłumaczenie pisemne - angielski Don’t expect a Russian recession
The Centre of Development Institute at Moscow’s Higher School of Economics’ National Research University (HSE) has published its periodic Commentary on State and Business review, in which the Composite Leading Index (CLI) does not indicate a possible new recession in the Russian economy. The most likely development is slow growth. Analysts based their conclusions on performance indicators that are outpacing the Industrial Production Index, such as the rouble exchange rate, oil prices and surveys of business managers.
In December 2017, the CLI fell from 4.4 to 2.6 points. Oil prices had the most positive impact on the index; in December, the average price of Urals oil was $63 a barrel, 22 per cent higher than in December the previous year. Current prices are nearing $70 a barrel. The report states that, taking this into account, the Russian economy will likely overcome even the most difficult economic developments.
According to HSE experts’ forecasts, the index gives no indication of an approaching recession. They say, however, that this does not mean that the Russian economy is entering a phase of stable and dynamic growth. The most likely scenario, barring any extremes, is one of slow growth with short-term positive and negative fluctuations.
Stanislav Verner, Dominion World’s Head of Analytics Department, says that the conclusions drawn from the index since 2008 have proved it to be a useful tool. According to Verner, last year’s low base in the oil market is the reason behind the cautious optimism. The cycle of stock replenishment and investments, which had previously been deferred, are being helped along by buoyant conditions on the external market. There is currently a favourable global economic climate; the IMF recently revised its growth forecasts upwards from 3.7 per cent to 3.9 per cent, and there is also a positive environment on the commodity market because of the weak US dollar.
Meanwhile, the Russian economy is transitioning from a paradigm based on the inflow of petrodollars to a paradigm oriented towards investments; companies have observed a growth in new orders and there are resources in the form of unfinished orders and previously deferred investments. However, companies are proceeding with caution in anticipation of proposed tax reforms following the presidential elections on 18 March this year. Mr. Verner also mentions the Bank of Russia’s prediction that, without structural reform, economic growth will be limited to between 1.5 per cent and 2 per cent.
Bogdan Zvarich, Senior Analyst at Freedom Finance Investment Company, highlighted negative trends in industrial production at the end of 2017. Companies’ expectations of demand for their goods and services were not met, resulting in the depletion of stockpiled inventories without an increase in output. This has led to lower investment in the manufacturing sector; investment has decreased by 3.2 per cent over nine months when compared to the same period last year.
That said, Mr. Zvarich believes that consumer spending may decrease as there has been no significant growth in real disposable income, while credit-financed consumption has slowed as households have started to view their future less optimistically. But there are grounds for expecting an improvement in the Russian economy.
For example, industrial production could reach 2 per cent by the end of 2018. A stable energy resources market would contribute to this increase, as it ensures an influx of funds into the country and supports consumerism. Furthermore, an increase in investments is likely, which will be further helped by a drop in the cost of borrowing.
Mr. Zvarich also believes that safe deposit rates will continue to decrease, which will create extra demand for Russian corporate bonds, lowering the cost of debt servicing. Another positive driver will be maintained stability on the foreign exchange market; it is unlikely that the rouble will significantly rise or fall in value. Mr. Zvarich adds that the stable value of the rouble is a positive driver for the purchase of imported equipment for the modernisation and expansion of production.
hiszpański > angielski: Translation of Spanish article on culture for The Prisma - The Multicultural Newspaper Detailed field: Dziennikarstwo
Tekst źródłowy - hiszpański Cuarenta años de ‘Goce pagano’
Hace 4 décadas, en diciembre de 1978, se abrió uno de los lugares de ‘rumba para salsa y libertad’ más originales de Colombia. Uno de sus fundadores, Juan Gaviria, el periodista Petrit Baquero, y la socióloga y promotora artística, Berta Quintero, hacen un recorrido en su memoria y en este escrito suyo cuentan a los lectores un poco de historia de este original ‘goce’.
La ‘salsoteca’ la abrieron allí, en pleno centro, en la carrera 13ª con calle 24, en un entorno de prostitución y malandrines.
La importancia que tiene celebrar estas cuatro décadas es que el Goce Pagano en su momento significó un hito cultural en el campo de la música, el baile, la cultura rumbera, la crítica musical, la literatura, las relaciones sociales especialmente en la valoración de la mujer, la cultura afro y la participación cultural y política de diversos grupos sociales.
Gozar la salsa
La salsoteca el Goce Pagano se montó sobre la ola musical que recibió el sabor y nombre de salsa en la cocina sonora de Nueva York que recogió la música cubana, pero también la puertorriqueña, panameña, venezolana, colombiana, dominicana, brasilera y norteamericana. El aporte cultural europeo, principalmente español con el de los negros africanos esclavizados sumado al de los criollos de la isla y sus inmigrantes latinoamericanos y del lejano, oriente permitieron el florecimiento de una vibrante expresión musical que a mediados del siglo veinte presentó sus mejores aportes bajo el nombre de salsa.
En su puesta en escena el carácter rural latinoamericano del Goce Pagano se expresó en el son guajiro de los viejos septetos, y en las letras de Tite Curet Alonso, en las diez fotografías de chocoanas de Jaime Londoño y en la máscara de la diablada boliviana que presidió sus fiestas paganas.
Los colores azul y amarillo que evoca un taller de mecánica marcaron el carácter urbano con los dibujos de músicos niches pintados por el entonces un niño, Camilo Villegas.
La música clásica y colombiana del interior se expresó con elegancia en los tres conciertos que dio allí la pianista Teresita Gómez. Tocaron allí el naciente Son del pueblo y su música solidaria con múltiples causas justas y fue sitio de ensayos del Grupo Niche antes de que fuera conocido. En el Goce inició la carrera de crítico musical César Pagano quien entrevistó a muchos de los salseros (entre ellos Celia Cruz, Daniel Santos, los hermanos Palmieri, Rubén Blades) que pasaron por Bogotá.
Literatura crítica
En la literatura el Goce “enseñó a leer” a toda una generación de bogotanos de una manera distinta a la del texto educativo y político dominante. Con un concepto editorial ideado y mantenido durante cuarenta años por Gustavo Bustamante, “Los papeles del Goce” son una muy valiosa muestra de literatura y ensayo político, social y cultural. “Los papeles del Goce” también fueron un espacio para nuevas figuras y el libro Primero estaba el mar, de Tomás González, antes de que fuera un best seller apareció primero como uno de esos papeles.
Esta tarea fue reconocida por grandes escritores del boom latinoamericano como Jorge Amado que le vendió a “Los papeles del Goce” sus derechos por un dólar para que no quedaran como piratas y por García Márquez que conoció la iniciativa en su visita al Goce dela 74 en 1983.
Otra rumba
El Goce marcó diferencias en la rumba bogotana. Un grupo de mujeres, entre las que sobresalen Berta Quintero y Marta Arenas dejaron en claro que las mujeres no son propiedad de nadie, salvo de ellas mismas y que pueden tomar la iniciativa en el baile y bailar y beber solas o acompañadas.
Una pequeña revolución que recuerda ese reclamo que Olimpe de Gougues hizo a los líderes de la Revolución Francesa, y por lo que mereció la guillotina, de que la libertad, la igualdad y la fraternidad no eran solo para los hombres sino también para las mujeres y los negros. El Goce pagano exhibió un letrero nunca escrito: bienvenidos los negros y su rumba.
El Goce se pronunció desde el principio por el mensaje crítico de la salsa que marcaba Rubén Blades y al tiempo pensaba que la música de la isla cubana formaba una unidad con la newyorkina y por eso logró convencer tanto al gobierno como a la Sonora Matancera de que debían volver a tocar en Matanzas.
Caleidoscopio cultural
Tal como la salsa potencia su sabor con múltiples ingredientes culturales especialmente los musicales, el Goce potenció el carácter multirregional y pluricultural de Bogotá.
Allí se vió a “niñas bien”- que iban a rumbear solas o a bailar con gente de contextos muy diferentes –o que para algunos eran “niños mal”, pero con swing-), interioranos con alma caribeña, costeños con corazón cachaco, blancos con alma negra, conspiradores profesionales, intelectuales de todo tipo, profesores universitarios, jefes guerrilleros, “mágicos” (mafiosos) con toda la plata del mundo, “guerrilleros del Chicó (barrio adinerado al norte de Bogota)”, guerrilleros de verdad, bailarines –y bailadores-, artistas con alma rebelde –e incluso revolucionaria-, escritores, periodistas, poetas, cronistas, actores de moda y muchos más.
Es decir, gente que, en algún momento, creyó fielmente que la revolución sería posible y que, al compás de la música, esta sería una fiesta o, más bien, un eterno Goce Pagano.
Talante rebelde, consignas provocadores, orgullo afrolatino, pasearon su mensaje rumbero por la crónica cotidiana del barrio y la ciudad, la búsqueda del placer estético del baile y la conquista, la crítica social, la mezcla cultural y la búsqueda de la unidad latinoamericana.
Los diferentes goces
El Goce de la carrera 13A con calle 24 fue atendido por Gustavo Bustamante hasta el último día de su vida (falleció recientemente). Cesar promovió nuevas sedes: en la quinta frente a las Torres del Parque, en la Caracas con calle 74, en la plaza de El Poblado en Medellín y en la Jiménez con 1ª al lado de la Universidad de Los Andes, sede que aún existe manejada por Sauk Naranjo. Después del Goce muchos otros sitios se transformaron optando por la música afro caribeña y surgieron otros que no simplifican los gustos, ni guían su música y rumba por la moda y que, más allá superficialidad, se trata de pensar, sentir y gozar el mundo de otra manera.
Tłumaczenie pisemne - angielski Forty years of ‘El Goce Pagano’
Four decades ago, one of the original venues for “dancing salsa and dancing for freedom” opened in Colombia. One of the venue’s founders, Juan Gaviria, takes a trip down memory lane along with journalist Petrit Baquero and sociologist and artistic promoter Berta Quintero. They present the readers with the vibrant history of the original El Goce Pagano.
El Goce Pagano salsa club opened in December 1978, on the corner of Avenue 13a and Street 24, an area right in the centre of Bogota that was surrounded by prostitutes and crooks.
The fortieth anniversary of the opening of El Goce Pagano (literally ‘The Delight of Pagans’) is significant as the club became a cultural landmark for music, dance, rumba culture, music criticism and literature. El Goce was also important in terms of social relations; women, African culture and the political participation of diverse social groups were all valued there.
Enjoying Salsa
El Goce Pagano arrived on the scene at a time when a new kind of music was emerging. This music obtained the name and flavour of ‘salsa’ in New York’s musical melting pot, which drew not just on Cuban music, but also on Puerto Rican, Panamanian, Venezuelan, Colombian, Dominican, Brazilian and North American influences. Elements of European (mainly Spanish), black African slave, Cuban native, Cuban Latino immigrant and distant Eastern cultures combined to produce an exciting and flourishing musical genre. The best examples of salsa were introduced to the world in the mid-20th century.
El Goce Pagano’s rural Latin American influence was expressed through traditional septets playing Cuban peasant son and in Tite Curet Alonso’s socially-conscious lyrics. Jaime Londoño’s ten photographs of Chocó department natives and the Bolivian Dance of the Devils mask that presided over Bolivian pagan festivals reinforce the rural feeling of El Goce. The blue and yellow interior reminds one of a mechanic’s workshop, whilst the club’s urban nature is reflected in portraits of musicians from salsa group Grupo Niche, painted by artist Camilo Villegas when he was a child.
Inland classical and Columbian music were elegantly exhibited at El Goce when pianist Teresita Gómez gave three concerts there. Grupo Niche played at El Goce before they were well-known and the emerging Son del Pueblo performed there, showcasing their solidary music that supported multiple just causes. Music critic César Pagano’s career also began in El Goce. Pagano interviewed many of the famous salsa singers that came through Bogota, including Celia Cruz, Daniel Santos, the Palmieri Brothers and Rubén Blades.
Critical literature
In terms of literature, El Goce taught a whole generation of Bogotans how to read via means other than educational texts and politically dominated methods. With an editorial concept designed and maintained by Gustavo Bustamante over forty years, the “Los papeles del Goce” (El Goce papers) are incredibly valuable examples of literature and political, social and cultural essays. The “Los papeles del Goce” also created a space in which rising stars could emerge; Tomás González’s debut novel, In the Beginning Was the Sea, first appeared as an El Goce paper before it became a best seller. The work of the “Los papeles del Goce” was recognised by great writers of the Latin American Boom. Brazilian author Jorge Amado sold the rights to his works to El Goce for a dollar, so that they would not be pirated, whilst Gabriel García Márquez learned about the initiative during his 1983 visit to the El Goce Pagano on Street 74.
Another party
El Goce changed the face of the Bogotan party scene. A group of women, most notably Berta Quintero and Marta Arenas, made it clear that women do not belong to anyone other than themselves and that, contrary to tradition, women can ask men to dance, and dance and drink alone or accompanied.
This small revolution recalls Olympe de Gouges’s assertion that the liberty, equality and fraternity of the French Revolution was not only for men, but also for women and black people too (de Gouges was consequently sent to the guillotine by the leaders of the French Revolution).
El Goce Pagano had a never-before-written sign: “black people are welcome to rumba here”.
From the beginning, El Goce Pagano supported the critical messages contained in Rubén Blades’ lyrics, and the club has always played salsa music with socially conscious lyrics, rather than traditional love-themed salsa music.
El Goce also considered Cuban music to be closely affiliated with the New York scene. The club persuaded Afro-Cuban band Sonora Matancera to return to their roots and play in Matanzas (Cuba) and managed to convince the socialist Cuban government to allow this.
Cultural kaleidoscope
Just as the flavour of salsa is enriched by a variety of cultural ingredients, especially musical influences, El Goce Pagano was enriched by the diversity and multiculturalism of Bogota.
At El Goce Pagano, ‘good girls’ went out partying by themselves, or to dance with people from very different backgrounds, the ‘bad boys’ of swing as some would call them.
At El Goce, you would find people from inland Colombia with Caribbean souls, people from the coast with Bogotan hearts, white people with black souls, professional conspirators, every kind of intellectual, university lecturers, guerrilla leaders and mafiosos with endless silver.
There were ‘guerrillas’ from Chicó, a wealthy neighbourhood in northern Bogota, actual guerrillas, professional and non-professional dancers, artists with rebel (or even revolutionary) souls, writers, journalists, poets, chroniclers, fashionable actors and many more. In other words, El Goce was frequented by people who, at some moment, firmly believed that revolution was possible and that it would arrive to the beat of music, in the form of a party or, rather, in the form of an eternal El Goce Pagano. With a rebellious attitude, provocative slogans and Afro-Latino pride, their rumba message was spread via local newspaper articles.
This was the search for aesthetic pleasure in dance, the critique of society, cultural mixing and the search for Latin American unity.
Different delights
The El Goce Pagano on the corner of Avenue 13a and Street 24 is still open and was run by Gustavo Bustamante until his recent death. Cesar founded new premises: on Avenue 5, opposite the curved, residential towers of Torres del Parque; on the corner of Avenue 20 and Street 74; on the El Poblado plaza in Medellín; and on the corner of Jiménez Avenue and Street 1, by the University of Los Andes in Bogota. The latter El Goce is managed by Sauk Naranjo. After El Goce was opened, many other places chose to play Afro-Caribbean music. Others emerged that do not compromise on their tastes, nor allow their music to be guided by the latest trends. They are, less superficially, about thinking, feeling and enjoying the world in a different way.
rosyjski > angielski: Translation of Russian article on international politics from Коммерсантъ (done for MA assessment) Detailed field: Dziennikarstwo
Tekst źródłowy - rosyjski На Австрие мировой политики
Владимир Путин планирует в июне посетить Вену
Как стало известно “Ъ”, в июне президент РФ Владимир Путин может посетить Вену. Возможность организации этой поездки была одной из тем, обсуждавшихся в ходе визита в Москву в пятницу главы МИД Австрии Карин Кнайсль. На фоне обострения отношений России с целым рядом стран ЕС, откликнувшихся на призыв Великобритании ввести в отношении Москвы санкции по «делу Скрипаля», заявившая о своем нейтралитете Австрия становится одним из ключевых партнеров РФ в Евросоюзе.
О том, что в июне президент РФ может посетить Австрию, “Ъ” рассказали диписточники в Москве и Вене и подтвердил источник в Кремле. Поездку планируется приурочить к 50-летию заключения контракта на поставки газа из Советского Союза (1 июня 1968 года австрийская OMV стала первой западной компанией, заключившей долгосрочный договор на поставки газа из СССР). В ходе состоявшегося 28 февраля визита в Москву федерального канцлера Австрии Себастьяна Курца Владимир Путин напомнил о грядущей дате и заявил: «На протяжении всего этого периода наша страна вносила весомый вклад в обеспечение энергетической безопасности всего европейского континента. Предстоящий юбилей наглядно подтверждает репутацию России как надежного поставщика энергоресурсов».
Напомним, в 2017 году «Газпром» установил исторический рекорд по объему экспорта в Австрию — 9,1 млрд куб. м газа, что на 50,3% (3 млрд куб. м) превышает показатель 2016 года (6,1 млрд куб. м) и на 33,7% (2,3 млрд куб. м) — объем поставок в 2005 году, когда был достигнут предыдущий рекорд (6,8 млрд куб. м). 9 апреля в Санкт-Петербурге состоялась встреча председателя правления ПАО «Газпром» Алексея Миллера и главы правления OMV AG Райнера Зеле, по итогам которой прессе сообщили, что Австрия продолжает наращивать импорт российского газа. OMV также является одним из участников проекта по строительству нового экспортного газопровода из России в Европу через Балтийское море «Северный поток-2».
У России с Австрией в целом всегда были тесные отношения, но с недавних пор они для Москвы приобрели особую важность. Вена оказалась среди девяти европейских столиц, отказавшихся в знак солидарности с Лондоном по «делу Скрипаля» высылать российских дипломатов. «Как нейтральная страна мы не будем выдворять кого-либо из дипломатов. Более того, мы хотим, чтобы существовал мост между Востоком и Западом и чтобы каналы для переговоров с Россией оставались открытыми»,— пояснил тогда Себастьян Курц. А глава МИД Австрии Карин Кнайсль добавила, что «100-процентного доказательства, что Россия имеет отношение к данному происшествию (отравлению экс-полковника ГРУ Сергея Скрипаля и его дочери Юлии в британском городе Солсбери.— “Ъ”)», нет.
При этом австрийские власти поддержали заявление Евросоюза, в котором выражалась солидарность с Великобританией, и не стали противиться временному отзыву из Москвы посла ЕС Маркуса Эдерера. Тем не менее на Вену обрушился шквал критики. Представители европейских стран, из которых были выдворены российские дипломаты, обвинили Себастьяна Курца в заигрывании с Кремлем, а Карин Кнайсль — в реализации политики Австрийской партии свободы (АПС). Глава МИД Австрии — беспартийная, однако на этот пост она была выдвинута по инициативе вице-канцлера и лидера АПС Хайнца-Кристиана Штрахе. Последний является убежденным сторонником сближения с Россией и противником санкций. В 2016 году АПС заключила соглашение о сотрудничестве с «Единой Россией». Сама Карин Кнайсль неоднократно отвергала критику, что на ее позицию по поводу «дела Скрипаля» повлияла близость к АПС.
Незадолго до поездки в Москву глава МИД Австрии в интервью изданию Die Presse подтвердила, что посол Великобритании в Вене не раз требовал от австрийских властей принять меры против России в связи с «делом Скрипаля». Из-за давления со стороны Лондона и его союзников диписточники “Ъ” в Москве не исключали, что визит Карин Кнайсль в Россию сорвется.
Сама же она в ходе пресс-конференции по итогам переговоров с главой МИД РФ Сергеем Лавровым о «деле Скрипаля» говорила осторожно. На отсутствии доказательств причастности российских властей к отравлению бывшего двойного агента она настаивать не стала, но призвала к расследованию «дела Скрипаля» с подключением международных механизмов. Вновь пояснила, почему австрийские власти не стали высылать россиян: «С 50-х годов Вена является местом резиденций многих международных организаций, поэтому мы всегда говорим, что даже в трудных обстоятельствах нужно держать открытыми каналы коммуникации». Но добавила, что Австрия солидарна с Великобританией в том, что применение отравляющих химических веществ недопустимо. Сергей Лавров в свою очередь с удовлетворением отметил, что, «несмотря на не самую простую ситуацию в Европе, диалог между Россией и Австрией продолжает поступательно продвигаться в конструктивном ключе».
При этом австрийские СМИ итоги визита Карин Кнайсль в Москву оценили как не слишком удачные. Накануне в местной прессе сообщалось, что Вена вновь предлагает себя как посредника в межсирийских переговорах и хотела бы в этом плане заручиться поддержкой Москвы. Напомним, основной площадкой переговоров по сирийскому урегулированию под эгидой ООН является Женева, однако несколько встреч Международной группы поддержки Сирии в 2015–2016 годах прошли и в Вене. Журналистка из Австрии поинтересовалась у Сергея Лаврова, как Россия оценивает предложение Австрии выступить посредником по Сирии. Ответ российского министра австрийские СМИ оценили как «вежливое njet» (заголовок в издании Kurier). «Я не слышал, чтобы Австрия предлагала свои услуги в качестве посредника между Россией и Западом по сирийскому вопросу. В Сирии нужно только одно — посредничество между всеми сирийскими сторонами, для того чтобы усадить их за стол переговоров на основе тех принципов, которые были согласованы, и помочь им начать прямой диалог, как это предусмотрено резолюцией 2254 СБ ООН»,— сказал глава МИД РФ. Но добавил: «На нынешнем этапе сирийского урегулирования, когда честных брокеров не хватает, Австрия вполне может помочь усилиям, которые мы все предпринимаем под эгидой ООН».
Tłumaczenie pisemne - angielski Austria: at the forefront of world politics
Vladimir Putin plans to visit Vienna in June
Russian President Vladimir Putin may visit Vienna in June, Kommersant can reveal. The possible visit was one of several topics discussed during Austrian Foreign Minister Karin Kneissl’s visit to Moscow on Friday. Since the beginning of March, a number of EU countries have responded to Britain’s call to implement sanctions against Moscow in relation to the Skripal case. Amid growing animosity between these countries and Russia, Austria, asserting its neutrality, has become one of Russia’s key partners in the European Union.
Kommersant was informed of the Russian President’s potential June visit to Austria by diplomatic sources in Moscow and Vienna. This was later confirmed by a Kremlin source. The visit is being planned to coincide with the 50th anniversary of Austria’s entry into a gas supply agreement with the Soviet Union. On 1st June 1968, Austrian gas company OMV became the first western firm to sign a long-term gas supply contract with the USSR. During Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz’s visit to Moscow, which took place on 28th February, Putin made reference to the approaching date. “Throughout this period, our country has substantially contributed to ensuring energy security for the whole European continent. The forthcoming anniversary clearly evidences Russia’s reputation as a reliable energy supplier”, he said.
In 2017, Russian gas company Gazprom set a record for export volume to Austria (9.1 billion cubic meters (bcm) of gas). This is 50.3% higher than the 6.1bcm recorded in 2016 and 33.7% higher than the supply volume in 2005, when the previous record of 6.8bcm was set. On 9th April, a meeting between Alexey Miller and Rainer Seele, the CEOs of Gazprom and OMV respectively, took place in St. Petersburg. Following this meeting, it was announced that Austria is continuing to increase its Russian gas imports. OMV is also one of the parties involved in the construction of a new gas export pipeline from Russia to Europe through the Baltic Sea; Nord Stream 2.
On the whole, Russia has always had close relations with Austria but recently these relations have become particularly important to Moscow. Following the Skripal case, Vienna was among nine European capitals that refused to expel Russian diplomats as a sign of solidarity with London. “As a neutral country, we will not be expelling any diplomats. Furthermore, we want there to be a bridge between East and West, and for communication channels with Russia to remain open”, said Kurz at the time. Meanwhile, Austrian Foreign Minister Karin Kneissl said that there is no “concrete proof that Russia was involved in the incident” (Kommersant - the poisoning of Sergei Skripal, ex-colonel of GRU, and his daughter Yulia in the British town of Salisbury).
That said, the Austrian government supported the EU’s statement expressing solidarity with Britain and did not oppose the temporary recall of EU ambassador Markus Ederer from Moscow. Despite this, Vienna has faced a flurry of criticism from representatives of those European countries that did expel Russian diplomats. Kurz has been accused of pandering to the Kremlin and Kneissl of implementing the policies of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ). Austria’s Foreign Minister is non-partisan, although she was suggested for the role by Heinz Christian-Strache, Vice-Chancellor and FPÖ leader. Strache is a staunch advocate of strengthening ties with Russia and an opponent of sanctions. In 2016, FPÖ signed a cooperation agreement with “United Russia”, Putin’s party. Kneissl herself has repeatedly rejected criticism that her position on the Skripal case was influenced by her proximity to the FPÖ.
Shortly before her visit to Moscow, in an interview with Die Presse, Kneissl said that the British embassy in Vienna had called on the Austrian government many times to take measures against Russia in relation to the Skripal case. Kommersant’s diplomatic sources in Moscow did not rule out the possibility of Kneissl’s visit to Russia being called off due to pressure from London and its allies.
During a press-conference with Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Kneissl herself spoke carefully about the Skripal affair. She did not highlight the lack of evidence of the Russian government’s participation in the ex-double agent’s poisoning, but called for an investigation into the Skripal case, with the involvement of international mechanisms. She reiterated why the Austrian authorities did not expel any Russians: “Since the 1950s Vienna has been home to many international organisations. For this reason, we always say that it is necessary to maintain open channels of communication, even in difficult circumstances”. However, she said that Austria stands in solidarity with Britain regarding the unacceptable use of poisonous chemical substances. For his part, Lavrov noted with satisfaction that “despite the complicated situation in Europe, the dialogue between Russia and Austria continues to move progressively in a constructive manner”.
That said, the Austrian media did not view Kneissl’s visit to Moscow as successful. In yesterday’s local press, they stated that Vienna has again volunteered to mediate in intra-Syrian talks and wishes to secure support from Moscow. Whilst Syrian conflict resolution talks under the aegis of the UN have mainly been based in Geneva, some meetings of the International Syria Support Group took place in Vienna in 2015-2016. An Austrian journalist asked Lavrov how Russia views Austria’s offer to mediate in Syria. The Austrian media interpreted the Russian minister’s reply to be a "polite nyet" (headline in newspaper Kurier). “I have not heard that Austria has offered to be a mediator between Russia and the West on the Syrian issue. Only one thing is needed in Syria; mediation between all Syrian factions to seat them at the negotiating table on the basis of previously-agreed principles, and to help them start a direct dialogue, as stated in UN resolution 2254”, said Lavrov. But he added: “At the present stage of Syrian conflict resolution, when there are not enough honest brokers, Austria can of course support the efforts that we are all undertaking under the aegis of the UN”.
hiszpański > angielski: Translation of Spanish article on U.S. politics for The Prisma - The Multicultural Newspaper Detailed field: Dziennikarstwo
Tekst źródłowy - hiszpański Los retos de Trump en un país dividido
El presidente Donald Trump enfrenta fuertes desafíos en los próximos dos años si aspira a reelegirse en 2020, entre ellos unir a un país polarizado y consolidar el apoyo entre los estadounidenses blancos y rurales que lo llevaron a la Casa Blanca.
Al finalizar las elecciones de mitad de mandato del 6 de noviembre, unos comicios del país rural contra la gran población urbana, según muestran los colores azul y rojo que marcaron la geografía nacional, análisis indican que el mandatario mantiene su fuerza en las zonas del campo y en el sur conservador de Estados Unidos.
También varios de sus candidatos ganaron en la zona del ‘midwest’ (medio oeste), el corazón industrial del país, la misma zona que le dio la presidencia en 2016, aunque los demócratas avanzaron allí y mantuvieron la mayoría del voto en un conteo general.
Tras dos años, el presidente mantiene parte del aire que le dio la victoria en 2016 pero, una mirada a la situación indica que el apoyo masivo de una parte del país, mayoritariamente rural, blanca y conservadora puede agrietarse.
Esto, sin hablar de la otra mitad, urbana, multicultural y liberal, que salió a votar masivamente en su contra, sin descontar a sectores blancos de la población suburbana e independiente que en algún momento pudieron ser atraídos por el gobernante en 2016.
La abrupta caída del empleo industrial desde el año 2000 afectó las áreas rurales y crearon escenarios de carencias e inestabilidad que ayudaron al éxito de quien en su mensaje promete retornar al país empresas y puestos de trabajo que marcharon al exterior.
Suponiendo que eso se convirtió en realidad, muchas empresas y empleadores del sector agroindustrial quieren poner sus productos en el mercado, algo que de cierta manera se ve afectado por políticas restrictivas de la Casa Blanca que van en contra del libre comercio que caracteriza el pensamiento tradicional de los republicanos.
En este siglo, según plantean estadísticas y análisis, la economía industrial del campo estadounidense siguió una espiral descendente y la recesión económica de 2001 marcó el comienzo de una tremenda disminución del empleo industrial. La entrada de China en la Organización Mundial del Comercio en 2001 (garantizando relaciones comerciales normales y permanentes con Estados Unidos) estimuló una reubicación masiva de la industria en el exterior, marcando un escape de puestos de trabajo.
El sector industrial sufrió otro golpe importante cuando la economía colapsó en 2008. Durante la década del 2000, Estados Unidos se desprendió de 5,9 millones de empleos industriales, lo que representa una disminución del 33,8 por ciento, planteó Keith Orejel en un artículo publicado en 2017.
La baja participación de votantes rurales en 2012 reflejó un desencanto generalizado con una élite política sin voluntad o incapaz de lidiar con el sufrimiento económico del campo, algo que aprovechó Trump, indican estudios.
Esta sensación de abandono hizo que los estadounidenses de las zonas rurales fueran más receptivos a candidatos no oficiales y a una retórica política poco convencional como la usada por Trump en su camino hacia el gobierno.
Lo que sucedió en 2012 hizo que los estadounidenses blancos de las zonas rurales se abrieran al tipo de mensajes que Trump les mandaría cuatro años más tarde y que aún mantiene.
El consistente mensaje de Trump sobre la pérdida de empleo industrial, las políticas comerciales ‘desastrosas’ y las regulaciones ‘paralizadoras’ claramente tocó la fibra sensible de la población blanca rural que fue criada según una tradición de políticas favorables a los negocios, señala Orejel.
Sin embargo, desde que tomó posesión de su cargo, el magnate inmobiliario no alcanzó la mayoría de sus prioridades nacionales, salvo por el desmantelamiento de las reglamentaciones ambientales y la represión contra los inmigrantes, la mano de obra principal en el campo.
Análisis publicados por medios de prensa como The New York Times y The Washington Post, entre otros, dan fe del declive de la popularidad de Trump, y señalan que esto puede acentuarse si el mandatario y su partido no pueden cumplir las principales promesas de campaña en las zonas rurales, incluida la legislación para modernizar la infraestructura del campo.
El incumplimiento de una mejora significativa de la economía rural casi con seguridad generará una gran desilusión en un sector que hasta ahora se aprecia como su base más solida de apoyo.
Si las recientes oscilaciones del electorado rural son un indicador, muchos votantes abandonarán a Trump si no ven que su situación material mejora.
La continuidad del éxito de Trump en el campo dista mucho de ser seguro, más cuando hay sectores que ven amenazadas sus economías por intereses políticos y carentes del pragmatismos necesario para impulsar el libre comercio.
En este amplio contexto se incluyen grandes grupos de votantes de estados del sur, medio oeste y zonas eminentemente agrícolas que sufragan mayoritariamente por los rojos como en Minnesota, Arkansas y Kansas, y que ven con preocupación frenos impuestos al comercio de productos con otras naciones.
Cuba y el voto rural en Estados Unidos
Recientemente, el diario The Hill publicó un artículo de opinión suscrito por los representantes Rick Crawford (R-Arkansas), Tom Emmer (R-Minnesota) y Roger Marshall (R-Kansas), según los cuales los agricultores estadounidenses, por ejemplo, necesitan el mercado cubano.
Señalan los parlamentarios que “los agricultores de todo el país están preocupados. El ingreso agrícola neto este año alcanzó un mínimo de 12 años y se espera que caiga casi un 20% en general”, algo que también debe llamar la atención de un presidente llamado a no desilusionar a sus seguidores.
Con la caída de la demanda interna, los mayores precios de producción y la competencia de los productores extranjeros que ya están perjudicando a nuestros agricultores, los aranceles de represalia sobre las exportaciones agrícolas de China, la Unión Europea, Canadá, México y Turquía son un peso adicional para nuestros productores, plantean los autores.
Advierten veladamente que “los agricultores estadounidenses son duros patriotas, pero necesitan fuertes ingresos por exportaciones para mantenerse en el negocio”.
La construcción de nuevos puntos de exportación para los agricultores estadounidenses y las industrias aliadas se convirtió en un imperativo, y Cuba debería ser parte de esa combinación, subrayan.
El trío de representantes de estados agrícolas abordan las afectaciones millonarias para el sector de la soja, la ganadería y la producción de carne de cerdo, entre otras, que causan las actuales políticas arancelarias hacia China.
Las reacciones positivas de la agricultura estadounidense, añaden, ante el nuevo acuerdo comercial de América del Norte son una prueba de la necesidad urgente de las empresas agroindustriales de Estados Unidos.
Sin embargo, acentúan, en el caso de Cuba, que ofrece una importante oportunidad de crecimiento a solo 90 millas de distancia y un corto viaje para el envío de contenedores desde los puertos estadounidenses del Golfo y la Costa Este, se necesita una solución diferente. Cuba es uno de los pocos mercados extranjeros donde el potencial para el crecimiento agrícola de Estados Unidos es cuantificable y alcanzable.
A favor de este negocio señalan que la mayoría de las importaciones de la isla son de Vietnam, China, la Unión Europea y otros lugares lejanos, donde las tarifas de transporte son muchas veces más altas que las nuestras.
Al referirse a “nuestras normas de financiamiento obsoletas sobre las ventas agrícolas”, los políticos norteños llaman a “posicionar a los agricultores estadounidenses como el proveedor agrícola número uno para Cuba”.
El acceso ampliado para la agricultura de Estados Unidos a Cuba y otros puntos de venta nuevos es una cuestión de salud económica, sino de supervivencia, para la América rural, indican, algo que debe abrazar Trump para no desilusionar a sus más fieles seguidores.
Tłumaczenie pisemne - angielski Trump’s challenges in a divided country
President Donald Trump faces tough challenges over the next two years if he aims to be re-elected in 2020. These include uniting a divided country and strengthening the support of the white, rural US citizens who elected him to the White House.
Following the 6 November midterm elections, the votes of rural citizens opposing those of the large urban population were represented geographically by blue and red markings on maps. Analyses of these show that the president maintains his hold on rural areas in the conservative south of the United States.
Some of his candidates also won in the Midwest, the country’s industrial heartland, the same region that gave Trump the presidency in 2016. However, the Democrats made gains there and kept their majority of the popular vote.
Over two years, the president has maintained the image that led to his victory in 2016. However, a look at the situation shows that the mass support of one part of the country, the mainly rural, white and conservative part, could crack.
In addition, it must be remembered that the other half of the population came out in force to vote against him, including independent white sectors of the suburban population that, at some point, were won over by, and voted for, Trump in 2016.
The significant drop in industrial employment from the year 2000 affected rural areas and created shortages and instability that aided Trump’s success, as he promised to return businesses and jobs that had moved overseas back to the USA.
Supposing that this became a reality, many agro-industrial businesses and employers would want to deliver their products into the marketplace. This is, to a certain degree, negatively impacted by restrictive White House policies that go against the free trade that characterises traditional Republican ideas.
According to statistics and analyses, the industrial economy of the rural USA has continued its downward spiral this century; the 2001 economic recession marked the start of a huge reduction in industrial employment. The accession of China to the World Trade Organisation in 2001 (guaranteeing normal and permanent trade relations with the United States) led to the mass relocation of industry overseas, resulting in a loss of jobs.
The industrial sector suffered another major blow when the economy collapsed in 2008. During the 2000s, the United States lost 5.9 million industrial jobs, which represents a decrease of 33.8%, according to a 2017 article by Keith Orejel.
The low turnout of rural voters in 2012 reflected a general disillusionment with a political elite who did not want, or were unable, to deal with rural economic struggles. According to studies, this is something that Trump took advantage of.
This feeling of abandonment meant that people in rural areas of the United States were more open to informal candidates and less conventional political rhetoric such as the rhetoric used by Trump in his presidential campaign.
What happened in 2012 meant that white people in rural areas of the USA were receptive to Trump’s message four years later, a message that he still maintains.
Trump’s consistent message about the loss of industrial employment, “disastrous” trade policies and “paralysing” regulations clearly struck a chord amongst the white, rural population, who were raised in a time were pro-business policies were more common, states Orejel.
However, since Trump took office, the property tycoon has not achieved the majority of his national priorities, apart from the dismantling of environmental regulations and the repression of immigrants, the main workforce on farms.
Analyses published by news outlets such as The New York Times and The Washington Post, amongst others, confirm the decline of Trump’s popularity and signal that this decline could continue if the head of state and his party can’t fulfil their principle campaign promises in rural areas, including the introduction of legislation to modernise rural infrastructure.
The failure to significantly improve the rural economy would almost certainly cause huge disillusionment amongst a group that was, until now, considered to be Trump’s most solid support base.
If the recent fluctuation of the rural electorate is any indicator, many voters will abandon Trump if they do not see their material situation improve.
The continuity of Trump’s success in the countryside is far from certain, even more so considering that there are sectors that view political interests that lack the necessary pragmatism to drive free trade as a threat to their economies.
These sectors include large groups of voters in southern states, the Midwest and largely agricultural areas that overwhelmingly vote red, such as in Minnesota, Arkansas and Kansas, and that are worried about brakes imposed on goods trade with other countries.
Cuba and the rural vote in the United States
Recently, US newspaper The Hill published an opinion piece written by representatives Rick Crawford (R-Arkansas), Tom Emmer (R-Minnesota) and Roger Marshall (R-Kansas), in which they state that US farmers need the Cuban market.
The representatives note that “farmers across the country are worried. Net farm income this year has hit a 12-year low and is expected to drop nearly 20 percent overall”, something that a president who has been warned against disillusioning his supporters should be aware of.
The fall in internal demand, greater production costs and competition from foreign producers are already having a negative impact on our farmers. Retaliatory tariffs on agricultural exports by China, the EU, Canada, Mexico and Turkey are an additional weight for our producers, state the authors.
They give a veiled warning that “[US] American farmers are tough patriots, but they need strong export revenues to stay in business”.
The establishment of new export points for US farmers and allied industries has become an imperative, and they emphasise that Cuba should be part of this solution.
The trio of representatives of agricultural states address the huge losses suffered by industries, including the soybean, livestock farming and pork industries, as a result of retaliatory policies against China.
They add that US agriculture’s positive reaction to the new North American trade agreement is proof of the urgent need of agro-industrial industries in the United States.
However, they emphasise that Cuba, offering an important opportunity for growth only 90 miles away and a short container journey from US ports on the Gulf of Mexico and the East Coast, requires a different solution. Cuba is one of the few foreign markets where the potential for US agricultural growth is quantifiable and achievable.
In support of this arrangement, they point out that the majority of the island’s imports come from Vietnam, China, the EU and other distant countries where transport tariffs are many times higher than ours.
Referring to “our outdated financing rules on U.S. farm sales to Cuba”, the US politicians call “to position [US] American farmers as the No.1 agricultural supplier to Cuba”.
Expanded access for US agriculture to Cuba and other new points of sale are a question of economic health, if not survival, for the rural regions of the US, they state. This is something that Trump should embrace, so as not to disillusion his most faithful supporters.
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Master's degree - University of Bristol
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Lata doświadczenia jako tłumacz: 6. Zarejestrowany od: Jan 2018.
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